http://journals.ed.ac.uk/pihph <p>Papers in Historical Phonology (‘PiHPh’) aims to provide a high-profile, speedy, permanent and fully open-access place for the publication of interesting ideas from any area of Historical Phonology. PiHPh is online only and there is no charge of any kind to publish in it. There is one volume of PiHPh per year, and papers are added to it as soon as they are cleared for publication.</p> University of Edinburgh en-US Papers in Historical Phonology 2399-6714 <p><img src="//i.creativecommons.org/l/by/4.0/88x31.png" alt="Creative Commons License"> <br> This is an Open Access journal. All material is licensed under a <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0)</a> licence, unless otherwise stated.<br>Please read our <a href="/pihph/about/policies#openAccessPolicy">Open Access, Copyright and Permissions policies</a> for more information.</p> http://journals.ed.ac.uk/pihph/article/view/8932 <p>This paper investigates an apparent gap in the distribution of nasal + stop clusters, as well as certain aspects of the diachronic emergence of this gap, in Latin and Hungarian. The phenomenon investigated is the absence of a frequent consonant cluster ([nt] in Latin, [ŋk] in Hungarian) from a position at the end of verb stems. An important property of the missing consonant cluster in both languages is that it also functions as a person marker in the verbal inflection. It is argued that in Latin this gap is functionally motivated: it represents a case of syntagmatic pressure to avoid repeating the same sequence at too close an interval. In Hungarian, by contrast, the absence of [ŋk] from verb stem-final position is arguably unrelated to the identical phonological form of the 1Plural affix and is simply the result of accidents of diachronic development.</p> András Cser ##submission.copyrightStatement## http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 2023-07-15 2023-07-15 8 1 15 10.2218/pihph.8.2023.8932 http://journals.ed.ac.uk/pihph/article/view/8934 <p>This paper considers vṛddhi as an inherited feature in Modern Standard Hindi. As a phenomenon, vṛddhi is most commonly discussed in reference to Old Indo‐Aryan (OIA), particularly with a focus on inflectional patterns in Sanskrit. However, the inherited pattern in New Indo‐Aryan (NIA) languages presents specific analytical challenges and its status as a morpho‐phonological feature in the present‐day languages is not straightforward to establish. In this paper, the focus is given to the operation of vṛddhi in denominal derivations in both OIA and present‐day Hindi. This leads to a discussion of the evolution of vowel systems in the history of Indo‐Aryan. Regarding the question of how synchronic vṛddhi‐alternations can be accounted for theoretically, I present two possibilities: (i) that vṛddhi constitutes a phonologically active process of vowel lowering/tensing in Hindi; and (ii), that vṛddhi is a suppletive phenomenon synchronically, and thus, not derived by phonological rule.</p> Michael Ramsammy ##submission.copyrightStatement## http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 2023-07-27 2023-07-27 8 16–37 16–37 10.2218/pihph.8.2023.8934